PDF Ghana: One Decade of the Liberal State (Africa in the New Millennium)

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Tables and figures. Markets and liberal democracy. Political conflict and elite consensus in the liberal state. A decade of political leadership in Ghana oo4. The security agencies and national security in a decade. The African economy of today is no longer the one written about by Lenin. It is no longer made up of a collection of colonial territories, but almost entirely of formally sovereign states, with which non-African states, including former colonial powers, are supposed to have relations of cooperation or partnership, respecting international commitments.

However, this sovereignty is quite relative, weighed down by the persistent dynamic of neocolonialism.

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The mechanisms of subordinating dependence on foreign capital, export of raw materials, importing of manufactured goods from the former colonial metropolis and from other economic powers have not disappeared. They have been adapted to the dynamics of the unequal global order. That is what is demonstrated by the supposed African economic prowess today, celebrated almost everywhere: the constant average growth of its GDP for a decade, at around 5 per cent, which is above the world average and which, moreover, proved to be resilient following the outbreak of the crisis in the capitalist economies of the centre in , after just a slight decline in The financial sector was able on the whole to remain steady, despite the South African situation the country most affected by the crisis.

Far from being the proof of an endogenous economic dynamic, it was rather the manifestation of the dominance of foreign capital. This growth is also driven by exports of other raw materials often the same since colonial times in non-mining- or oil-based economies, where are active, for example, American and European agribusiness giants — Cargill, Archer Daniel Midland ADM , Louis Dreyfus, etc. This situation is a consequence of the exogenous reorganization, from the s onwards, of African economies through the neoliberal structural adjustment Structural Adjustment Economic policies imposed by the IMF in exchange of new loans or the rescheduling of old loans.

Structural Adjustments policies were enforced in the early to qualify countries for new loans or for debt rescheduling by the IMF and the World Bank. The requested kind of adjustment aims at ensuring that the country can again service its external debt. These SAPs have not only substantially contributed to higher and higher levels of indebtedness in the affected countries ; they have simultaneously led to higher prices because of a high VAT rate and of the free market prices and to a dramatic fall in the income of local populations as a consequence of rising unemployment and of the dismantling of public services, among other factors.

Its first mission was to support the new system of standard exchange rates. When the Bretton Wood fixed rates system came to an end in , the main function of the IMF became that of being both policeman and fireman for global capital: it acts as policeman when it enforces its Structural Adjustment Policies and as fireman when it steps in to help out governments in risk of defaulting on debt repayments. As for the World Bank, a weighted voting system operates: depending on the amount paid as contribution by each member state.

The Obama Doctrine

The other member countries are divided into groups led by one country. It financed public and private projects in Third World and East European countries.

Ghana: One Decade of the Liberal State, First Edition - Kwame Boafo-Arthur - Google книги

It consists of several closely associated institutions, among which : 1. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development IBRD, members in , which provides loans in productive sectors such as farming or energy ; 2. The International Finance Corporation IFC , which provides both loan and equity finance for business ventures in developing countries. Given the relationships of forces within these very hierarchical multilateral institutions and the specific weight of American economic interests in the decision to restructure the world economy, growth in Africa today comes principally from submission to or execution of a project of the American establishment, shared within the Trilateral Commission by the other bourgeoisies of the capitalist centre which are subordinate to it or indeed those which appear to be adversaries.

Placed in a situation of suffocating financial dependence, African states have been forced into a partial ceding of sovereignty, which was already relative under classical neo-colonial domination. The repayment of external debt still represents — through interest Interest An amount paid in remuneration of an investment or received by a lender. Interest is calculated on the amount of the capital invested or borrowed, the duration of the operation and the rate that has been set.

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Without taking account of interest and interest on arrears, the repayment of the outstanding debt would represent a reverse transfer of resources. The alleged present economic performance has facilitated another round of public debt on the international financial markets , which is already alarming.

A negative demonstration of this was provided by the pressure exerted, a few years ago, on the Congolese government of Joseph Kabila to get him to revise downward the terms of a contract that was considered to have granted too privileged a position to China. If the government of Kinshasa had proved too stubborn, the international financial institutions would have prevented the promised cancellation of a significant part of the bilateral debt of the Democratic Republic of Congo by the Paris Club Paris Club This group of lender States was founded in and specializes in dealing with non-payment by developing countries.

The blackmail worked, the contract was revised downward. The scope of the capitalist partnership between China and DR Congo was thus defined by the traditional principal shareholders of the international financial institutions which had their eyes on its natural resources. In this financial institution, presented as pan-African, 78 countries participate, including 25 non-African, among which five members of the G7 Germany, Canada, USA, France, Japan own 25 per cent of the capital. This high degree of participation — to which should be added that of the two other G7 members, other European countries the Swiss Confederation Thus, it is almost impossible to distinguish the AfDB recommendations from those of the Bretton Woods institutions where the domination of the traditional imperialist powers, the US in the lead, is maintained.

Africa in the New Millennium

In this context, it is worth asking: who is helping whom? Its owner a shareholder is entitled to receive an equal distribution of any profits distributed a dividend and to attend shareholder meetings. As regards much of Africa, this supposed generosity also involves so-called preferential agreements, such as the agreements between the countries defined as African, Caribbean and Pacific ACP on the one hand and the European Economic Community, later the European Union, on the other. Many countries of the South have been induced to specialize in the production of a commodity for export cotton, coffee, cocoa, groundnuts, tobacco, etc.

It is this situation of preferential dependence that the European Union decided in to adapt to the neoliberal era, by making it worse, through the establishment of free trade areas called Economic Partnership Agreements EPAs. The main innovation is that the WTO enjoys the status of an international organization. Its role is to ensure that no member States adopt any kind of protectionism whatsoever, in order to accelerate the liberalization global trading and to facilitate the strategies of the multinationals. It has an international court the Dispute Settlement Body which judges any alleged violations of its founding text drawn up in Marrakesh.

The fact of having maintained Africa for five decades in a situation of strong dependence on the export of primary products had given the EU enough power to set the rules of the game.

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In exchange, these African economies will be free to export per cent of their goods to the European Union. But, with the exception of the South African economy, this will principally concern what in agriculture cannot be produced in Europe, so it will not be in competition with European production. On the other hand, with the — transient?

With the exception of goods coming from South Africa - with which the EU has established measures of protection, reciprocal tariff quotas, which are also unequal South African products are protected, as against European products — African goods of a kind that are already produced in Europe have very little chance of being competitive there. Neoliberalism promised, however, to rectify this weakness through a dynamic of regional and continental economic integration.

The Association of Ghana Industries AGI found itself fractured between exporters of tropical products and producers competing with goods imported from the EU. In fact, through the EPAs, the EU has actually organized the suffocation of African industrial capital to the benefit of European transnational exporters. Many industries in this region are scarcely emerging.

The opening that is advocated will condemn Africa irreparably to remain a trading Market activities trading Buying and selling of financial instruments such as shares, futures, derivatives, options, and warrants conducted in the hope of making a short-term profit. In this perspective, the Francophonie association of French-speaking countries summit held in Dakar in December was followed by the First Economic Forum of Francophonie. The Medef was the co-organizer. For its part, the United Kingdom, much less criticized in Africa than is France, has shown that it is not uninterested.

The Department for International Development DFID of the United Kingdom currently expends more energy and uses up more paper to spread the gospel that happiness can only be brought by private capital to the poor in underdeveloped capitalist societies in general, African in this case. Net profit is profit after tax.

Distributable profit is the part of the net profit which can be distributed to the shareholders. It is no surprise that the behaviour of these British transnationals including Lonmin, responsible for the crime of Marikana remains marked by a certain neo-colonial spirit:. The arguments of these companies concerning tax evasion are both obsolete and invalid.

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Faithfully following the Clinton administration on this question, the administration of George W. The Obama era is continuing this tradition. The leadership in commercial partnership with Africa, previously held by the United States, was snatched in by China. With such a stock of FDI, American transnationals are characterized, like their French and British peers, by having a certain influence on the national policies of African countries, especially in the former British colonies, helped by the fact that they speak English.

Let us recall the case of Chevron, whose maritime and air navigation equipment was placed in the s at the disposal of the Nigerian Army for its murderous expeditions against the Ijaw and Ogoni peoples who were demanding social justice in the Niger oil delta. Although the image of Coca-Cola considered to be the largest private employer in Africa, with about 70, employees spread over factories , is not as tainted in Africa as it is in Colombia and India, this American transnational is a strong supporter of the autocrat of Swaziland, King Mswati III.

A distinction is made between real guarantees lien, pledge, mortgage, prior charge and personal guarantees surety, aval, letter of intent, independent guarantee. However, the real problem is that Coca-Cola is probably in Swaziland because it is a dictatorship that oppresses the unions and the population, which makes it possible to keep wages low. This explains why, until very recently, Swazi activists for human rights and freedoms were almost completely ignored by the US administration. This culture of influence over the destiny of African states and societies, which is inherent to the expansion of transnational firms, is quite clear on the vital issue of agriculture, where the global leadership of American firms is undeniable.

What is taking place is an operation to impose genetically modified seeds. Among the latest offensives of the seed lobby Lobby Lobbies A lobby is an entity organized to represent and defend the interests of a specific group by exerting pressure or influence on persons or institutions that hold power. Lobbying consists in conducting actions aimed at influencing, directly or indirectly, the drafting, application or interpretation of legislative measures, standards, regulations and more generally any intervention or decision by the Public Authorities.

This law, favourable to the use of genetically modified seeds at the expense of traditional sowing practices, has for the moment been countered by mobilizations against it, including an international information campaign. The Ghanaian government is in a dilemma: give in to the financial blackmail of the United States by adopting the law public debt is still rising in or listen to food sovereignty activists who are also opinion leaders.

National parliaments are called upon to legislate in favour of the interests of transnationals against food sovereignty and justice. It is no longer just a question of the subtle imposition of foods that are exotic from the point of view of African societies, as a certain kind of food aid has done traditionally, but of control over the production of staple foods of the local diet.

A Ayee, Kwame A. Ninsin, K. D Frempong, Kofi Quashigah, G. Kwaku Tsikata. When a secret is uncovered, Nagela is angry enough to want to payback. She wants the offender to feel her ange Street life in the slums of Accra is realistically portrayed in this socially-committed, subtle novel about fo This is a collection of Nelson Mandela's articles, speeches, letters from underground and the transcripts of h